30 settembre 1999


Defend the Great Communist Leadership of the Communist Party of Peru


We have promoted this international Conference with comrades of the Peru People’s Movement, the generated organisation of the Communist Party of Peru, and comrades of the Turkish Communist Party (ML), because, for us, the defence of the Great Communist Leadership of the revolution in Peru is a decisive task, today pending for communists in the world, mainly for Marxist-Leninist-Maoists.

To organise this first Conference is a first victory: we are pleased and proud because delegations coming from different countries in the world accepted our appeal.


Today to defend the Great Communist Leadership of revolution in Peru is to defend consciously a revolutionary leadership, a Communist leadership, and a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist leadership.

It means to defend consciously the Communist leaders who, forged by the great revolutionary history of the proletariat and people, apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to their concrete reality, develop a specific thought, the proletarian ideology, the science of the international proletariat and oppressed peoples liberation. This specific thought becomes a decisive and tested weapon that enables Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties to advance, overcoming every difficulty.

It means to defend, sustain and support the People’s War that imperialism, reaction and revisionism want to annihilate, beheading the Party, building vicious hoaxes, planning the murder of leaders.

Today we cannot reduce the defence of Chairman Gonzalo to the defence of Dr. Guzman, as the defence of a political prisoner — even if he is the most important one in the world — because we must affirm the main question: the defence of the greatest Marxist-Leninist-Maoist today in the world, the defence of the Communist Party of Peru and of the People’s War that it leads.

To Defend Chairman Gonzalo is to Defend the People’s War in Peru

The People’s War in Peru is the proof that it is possible to struggle and to beat Yankee imperialism and its puppet-regimes, just while Yankee imperialism seeks to build a new world order in its image and likeness, unchaining imperialist wars of aggression, like in the Balkans, fomenting reactionary wars in the Balkans, Indonesia, and Latin America.

The People’s War in Peru is the proof that it is possible to carry forward the anti-imperialist armed struggle under the leadership of the proletariat; it is possible to build the new power in the face of parties and fronts that, everywhere in the world — in Nicaragua, Kurdistan, Palestine, etc. — are capitulating before the enemy.

The People’s War in Peru has been a solid landmark for the Initiation of People’s War in Nepal, to advance the affirmation of the people’s war line in Turkey, India, the Philippines, etc.

It is a People’s War that has resisted every encirclement and annihilation campaign launched by imperialists, making its enemies "defeat specialists"; a People’s War that has not stopped for a minute, crushing every "pacification" hoax, that has been able to face bends and inflexions and now is going to overcome them.

To Defend Chairman Gonzalo is to Defend the Communist Party of Peru

The Party, more than anyone else, has struggled to affirm Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism, as the guide of International Communist Movement.

The Party has been able to hold its course; it has defeated the Right Opportunist Line that arose in the Peruvian prisons and among the generated organisations abroad, in collusion with the hoaxes fabricated by the enemy; it has been able to regenerate its leadership, and now, after the arrest of Comrade Feliciano, is closing its ranks around the new leadership of Comrade Julio, whom we greet with our militant salute.

Therefore, to doubt the Great Communist Leadership of Chairman Gonzalo and his Thought means, no matter what one wants, to doubt the Communist Party of Peru and the People’s War it leads; it means to deny facts and truths that heroic Peru people have affirmed with weapons and blood.

Long live the Communist Party OF Peru!
Long live Chairman Gonzalo!
Long live the People’S War in Peru!
Long live the People’S War in Nepal!
Long live the Communist Party of Turkey (Marxist-leninist)!
Long live Maoism!
Long live the revolutionary Internationalist movement!

Defend the Life of Comrade Feliciano


The arrest, two months ago, of Comrade Feliciano set a new urgency: to develop, as a part of the campaign to defend the Great Communist Leadership of the revolution in Peru, a specific campaign to defend the life of Comrade Feliciano.

With the arrest of Comrade Feliciano, imperialism, revisionism and reaction renew their efforts to behead the Party’s leadership, to annihilate the Party and to stop the People’s War, in a context of new USA/UN/NATO intervention to stabilise the dictatorial and starvation regimes, servants of imperialism in this region.

Therefore, the defence of Comrade Feliciano must not be reduced into the defence of O. Ramirez. The defence of Comrade Feliciano must be the defence of the leader who, following and applying the line drawn by Chairman Gonzalo, held responsibility for the CC during the sharpest phase of the struggle against the revisionist and capitulationist Right Opportunist Line and overcame the bend in the road represented by the arrest of Chairman Gonzalo, following the only possible road: the developing People’s War.

A defence linked to the support of the Communist Party of Peru, of its CC — around which we close ranks — and of the People’s War it leads; that is the only way to fight against armed interventions, maneuvers and hoaxes by which they seek to impose imperialist pacification.

Defend the life and physical integrity of Comrade Feliciano!
Defend the life of chairman Gonzalo, great leader of the Party and the Revolution!
Defend the lives of all leaders and prisoners of war fighting in the black jails of Imperialism!
Down with the revisionist and capitulationist Right opportunist Line!
Down with the convergences with the Right opportunist line!

To Defend Chairman Gonzalo is to Affirm the Need to Apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism


To defend the Great Communist Leadership of the revolution in Peru is a task of all Communist parties and organisations in the world, and it is part of affirming all Communist Leadership.

This is not to apologise for Chairman Gonzalo and his Thought, of the line and the outcomes of the Communist Party of Peru and the People’s War, but to defend, to sustain and to generalise:
  • the lessons of Chairman Gonzalo and his Great Communist Leadership — as the necessity to creatively apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to concrete conditions;
  • the lessons of the Communist Party of Peru — the advanced detachment of the international proletariat;
  • the lessons of the People’s War in Peru — the most advanced revolutionary struggle in the world today.
We are not simply recognising a historical reality, the historical merit of a revolutionary leader; we are, rather, acknowledging and grasping weapons brought about by an advanced revolutionary experience. In order to do it, it is necessary to find our own specific way to take possession of these weapons, serving the world revolution.

Apply Creatively Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as a Tested, Winning Weapon

To understand and to struggle for these great tasks means to defend and to affirm Maoism, not as a simple ideological option, but as a tested, winning weapon: that is, to defend and to affirm the practical advances of our science, and the outcomes of its application on concrete reality; that is, to defend and to affirm the new opportunities for victory they open for all the Parties and organisations in our countries; that is, to defend and to affirm the opportunity of building international unity among Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Communists on the basis of tested Maoism, a Maoism open to the lessons and contributions coming out of the developments of People’s War in Nepal, Turkey, India, the Philippines, etc.

To deny these tasks is to deny the decisive weapon to form and develop revolutionary Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties, parties built to prepare, initiate and develop People’s War, not on the basis of an abstract orthodoxy, not as a pure emanation of an international central owner of this, but as a fighting machine, firmly united on an advanced ideological basis, armed with a specific thought and led by a verified leadership.

To deny these tasks is to deny the only basis on which the struggle/unity process can advance to unify the Communists on a world scale, neither in an eclectic-principled aggregation, nor in a forum of permanent debate, but as an organised force — a structured force on the most ideologically and organisationally advanced basis now existing, the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, a force forged by the generalisation of the most advanced, tested experiences and by the most relentless struggle against the most sophisticated forms of contemporary revisionism and opportunism.

Give New Impulses to the Defence of Chairman Gonzalo

Therefore, to take up once again the defence of Chairman Gonzalo is today very urgent, also because many of those who mobilised themselves to defend the life of Chairman Gonzalo after his arrest then let this flag drop, in objective continuity with doubts about his position brought about by maneuvers and hoaxes of the enemy and by positions of the revisionist and capitulationist black line of "peace agreements".

They have not understood that to struggle against opportunism and revisionism, to defend the People’s War in Peru, the Party leading it, its Great Communist Leadership and its Thought, are a single unity and to desert the consequent tasks means to push backwards the struggle to unify the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Communists on a world scale, to push backwards the struggle to form and develop genuine revolutionary Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties.

Defend the life of chairman Gonzalo, great leader of the Party and the Revolution!
Long live the Communist Partyof peru!
Long live the People’s War!
Unite on the basis of maoism!

Forward with the Constitution of MLM Parties


We are going to end our intervention by giving an account of ideological and practical leaps brought about to our organisation by our work to support the People’s War in Peru, the Communist Party of Peru, Chairman Gonzalo and his Thought.

Since we formed Rossoperaio as a pre-party organisation, around the mid-1980s, we characterised ourselves by the persistence with which we made the internationalist campaigns to support revolutionary Maoist forces and struggles in the world, mainly the Communist Party of Peru and the People’s War it leads, not only a constant of our work but also an element of our own identity, a line of demarcation within the camp of revolutionaries in our country, to the point that the bourgeois press, that usually ignores us, once wrote about us, calling us the "Italian Sendero".

All this reflects our understanding of the fight to form a proletarian revolutionary party in Italy as a part of the international struggle process to build the unity of the Communists on a world scale on the most advanced as possible ideological and political basis — that, today, is Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism, with the contributions of Chairman Gonzalo on the universality of people’s war and on the concept of the militarised party; that, for us, means to build the Party in order to begin the People’s War.

A people’s war deeply-rooted to the organised worker masses in the Cobas. A people’s war as a renewal of heroic anti-fascist Resistance partisan warfare and as critical summation of the most advanced experience of armed struggle in an imperialist country.

This is an extraordinary weapon, comrades, that can turn dwarves into giants.

A Great Decision


We are proud of announcing here that our work has yielded its fruits. On this basis we advanced in the effort to apply to the concrete Italian conditions, to work out the first nuclei of a specific thought, as a result of the concrete experience in leading class struggle in our country, of the summing up the experience of the Italian Communist movement, of analysing the structure and the role of Italian imperialism in the actual context of the world situation.

A small, firmly ideologically united and consistently organised group is today able to develop a great leap aimed at a new beginning of revolutionary warfare in the heart of a European imperialist country.


Here we announce that the Italian Marxist-Leninist-Maoists will conclude, in this year, their march toward the formation of the Party, giving life to the Maoist Communist Party!

Long live the Maoist Communist Party!
Long live the Communist Party of Peru!
Long live the Communist Party of Turkey (Marxist-leninist)!
Long live proletarian Internationalism!
People war’s until COMMUNISM!

September 1999


October 1, 1949, exactly 50 years ago, Chairman Mao Tse-tung proclaimed the birth of the People’s Republic of China, thus stating the victory of the revolution he led. It is an event of tremendous historic significance for the proletariat and the oppressed peoples of the whole world.

With the Chinese Revolution, a country of 700 million people liberated itself from the yoke of imperialist semi-colonial oppression and from semi-feudal social relations; a victorious People’s War lasting 20 years that demonstrated in deeds how the most powerful weapons, better trained armies, military and economic support from the imperialist countries and the force and weight of traditions, can do nothing against the masses who — through the instrument of a People’s Army guided by a Communist Party armed with a strong Marxist-Leninist ideology enlightened by the leadership of Mao Tse-tung — lifted themselves from the condition of oppressed and exploited people and "made history".

Today, 50 years after the Chinese Revolution, we are here to affirm and celebrate the universal value of its results and teachings.

Today, like yesterday, we cannot accept opinions that don’t see the relationship of continuation and development between the Chinese Revolution and the October Revolution and the Third International. It is a continuation, because the Chinese Revolution would not have been possible without the birth of the Chinese Communist Party in 1921, as a Marxist revolutionary party of a new type, Marxist-Leninist, on the example set forth by the Russian Communist Party (Bolshevik) which, under Lenin’s guidance, was able to defeat all the opportunist and extremist tendencies inside Russian Marxism. At the same time, it breaks with the ideological degeneration of the European socialist parties that led the Second International to political bankruptcy, thus gaining the vanguard of the Russian proletariat and popular masses, building the strategy and tactics that led the same masses through the February 1917 revolution (in which power was taken by the bourgeoisie) to the red and proletarian October Revolution.

The most advanced vanguard of the Chinese proletariat and masses understood that, in the age of imperialism, there was no way out for the movement started by the students on May 1919, except for the one leading to the overthrow of the old semi-colonial/semi-feudal social relations, produced by the state of dependency of China on imperialism, and the linkage with the most radical breakout from the world order of the time (i.e. Soviet Russia). We can say that the Chinese Communist Party was born and developed along the path charted by the October Revolution and the Third International, that, under Lenin’s guidance, was working for the build-up of Communist parties as parts of a single World Communist Party for the development of the World Proletarian Revolution while breaking with the old ideas of the Second International on national liberation.

The victorious Chinese Revolution in 1949 came to break the attempts of imperialism to encircle the newly born socialist camp, guided at the time by the Soviet Union under Stalin’s leadership. The Chinese Revolution was, in fact, enlarging the socialist camp, bringing to it a huge part of Asia and the great masses of the Chinese people, creating conditions for new victories in Korea and Indochina, thus inspiring the proletariat of the whole world, showing that socialist revolution was a concrete tendency in the world, that socialist revolution was developing while imperialism was on the defensive, that socialist revolution could really win against imperialism, which was showing, more and more every day, its real nature (i.e. that of a "paper tiger"), in spite of its powerful atomic weapons.

With the Chinese Revolution, the proletarians and the oppressed peoples of the world gained two formidable weapons for their struggle against imperialism: People’s War and New Democratic Revolution—weapons forged through the summations of Chairman Mao, tested through the practice and the revolutionary experience of the Chinese people. These weapons marked the history of the national liberation movements of the oppressed peoples, accelerating and opening the road for the destruction of colonialism through armed liberation struggles in Asia, Africa and Latin America, powerfully contributing to the anti-imperialist offensive that took place in the 50s, 60s and 70s, having its highest point in the war of Vietnam’s liberation.

We can say, without a doubt, that the Chinese Revolution, under Mao Tse-tung’s guidance, changed the balance of power of the world in favour of the proletariat and of the oppressed peoples.


The universal value of the Chinese Revolution

Mao was able to solve, in practice, as a summation of the Chinese revolutionary experience, the problem of the dialectical relationship between national liberation and proletarian revolution through New Democratic Revolution as a stage between anti-imperialist revolution and socialist construction. He was able to solve the problem of the achievement of proletarian party leadership in a semi-colonial/semi-feudal society, transforming the great masses of the poor peasants into the ocean in which the revolutionary fish could swim. He was able to solve the problem of which strategy to use for the revolutionary struggle in a principally agricultural country through the theory and practice of protracted People’s War, building Red Base Areas and surrounding the cities from the countryside. But this was not all. Mao was able to participate, side by side, with the Soviet Union, then guided by comrade Stalin, in the international struggle against fascism, that had its specific Asiatic version in Japanese imperialistic expansionism, solving, at the same time, the problem of the United Front with non-Communist forces, or anti-Communist forces such as the Kuomintang, preserving the independence of the Chinese Communist Party and of its Red Base Areas; he thus avoiding the mistakes committed, for example, by the Italian and the French Communist Parties that, at the end of World War II, were thrown out of government even though they carried the heaviest load in the armed struggle against Fascism. Mao was thus able to continue revolution through to victory on a much greater mass base after Kuomintang’s treachery.

The Chinese Revolution is a revolution of tremendous historical significance. Its teachings are of universal value. This is the flag that we raise today against today’s China that, by mean of the coup d’etat of 1976, allowed the black line of the capitalist roaders inside the Chinese Communist Party to take power and wipe out Mao and his revolution, and has again dragged the Chinese proletariat and the Chinese masses into the hell of exploitation and oppression. This is the flag that we raise against imperialism which, due to the failure of revisionism and to the fall of the stronghold of the proletariat that was Red China, again is depicting itself as an invincible iron tiger, strong from his weapons and from the bloody will to use them. The Chinese Revolution is the flag we raise against opportunists and false Communists that reject the lessons of the Chinese Revolution, closing themselves within the vicious circle of revisionism disguised as "new ways" reproducing utopian ideas, theories and practices already defeated by the historical experience of the proletariat; "new ways" that put a mask on imperialist capitalism and put their upholders at its orders. The Chinese Revolution is the flag that we raise against the current leadership of the National Liberation Movements (such as EZLN, PKK, FARC) that are now proving their incapacity to solve even the most basic problems of national liberation. By rejecting the Chinese Revolution, by rejecting People’s War, by rejecting the leadership of the Communist Party in the united front they are a cause of defeat for their own people.


Uphold Marxism-Leninism-Maoism

We are opposed to those who are going to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Chinese Revolution as a noble event of the past, an icon from history to remember — sometimes even with nostalgia — and to confine it to museums, casting aside its living revolutionary content, the lessons for today. Today, to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Chinese Revolution means, for us, to develop more and more the struggle to assert Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism as the third and superior stage of Marxism-Leninism, as the ideological base of the World Proletarian Revolution.

Maoism has developed as the third and superior stage of Marxism-Leninism on the basis of the teachings of the Chinese Revolution, but this goes beyond the victory of 1949. It developed in the leap from the New Democratic Revolution to the Socialist Revolution, when Mao summed up the historic experience of socialist construction in the USSR, highlighting its limits and contradictions, already emerging at the time of Stalin, who talked about them in his last writings. Mao charted a new path starting from his speech On the Ten Major Relationships through to the building of People’s Communes in the countryside and the Great Leap Forward.

Maoism has developed in the world struggle against Khruschev’s modern revisionism, denouncing the fall of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the fall of the Soviet Union into the hands of capitalist roaders and polemicizing against the servants of revisionism from Tito to Togliatti to Thorez. At that time Red China was transformed into the stronghold of the World Proletarian Revolution, defending Marxism-Leninism from the distortions set up by modern revisionists, holding up the flag of liberation struggles and the World Proletarian Revolution, concretely supporting the movements fighting imperialism while launching the call to build up a new International Communist Movement based on new Marxist-Leninist Communist Parties to oppose revisionism; in this way building an alternative to the capitulation to imperialism proposed by Khruschev and his followers in the name of "peaceful coexistence", which consisted of the denial of the struggle against the class enemy because of the atomic threat, and on the theory of the state of the whole people and the party of the whole people, in opposition to the Party of the proletariat and the state of the proletariat.

Maoism has developed, first and foremost, with the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the greatest storming of the heavens by the proletariat since the Paris Commune and October Revolution. At the basis of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution stands Mao’s summation of the historic experience of proletarian dictatorship in socialist countries. The grasping of the continuation of class struggle in the socialist stage, as a transitional stage between capitalism and Communism, due to its inner contradictions: contradictions between base and superstructure, between mental and manual work, between technical functions and political ones, between cities and countryside, between men and women, etc. This socialist stage full of contradictions will inevitably last a long historical period, and during this period the danger of taking the road back to capitalism is a great one. The subjective force capable of this capitalist restoration exists and tends to reproduce throughout the socialist stage: it’s the new bourgeoisie that, because of all the contradictions of the socialist stage, tends to reproduce in the managing mechanisms of the state and, first and foremost, in the same Party through which the proletariat exercises its dictatorship on the other classes. The new bourgeoisie inside the party tends to build itself up as a black line ready to overthrow proletarian leadership and to substitute it. Against the black line and capitalist restoration there is no other weapon than class struggle carried consciously on by the proletariat and the masses to defend the red line. Mao gave practical answers to this summation calling the masses to rise up against the capitalist roaders who were conquering the Chinese Communist Party.

During the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, millions of youth, proletarians and women rose up, waging a revolutionary struggle against capitalist roaders inside the Party, upholding the interests and will of the vast socialist masses. They upheld the firsthand conquest in practice of proletarian dictatorship, raising their class-consciousness, learning to use Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as a weapon able to prevent for a decade capitalist restoration, transforming it into a basis to remodel the international people’s struggles.

Through all of these passages Maoism has developed as the third and superior stage of Communist thought, as a theory coming from practice and tested in practice, as the way out from the crisis of the International Communist Movement and the necessary ground for its new strategic offensive, as the guide for the New Great Wave of the World Proletarian Revolution. While the decomposition of imperialism gets deeper and revolution becomes once again the principal tendency amidst big and complicated wars, to be Marxist today means being Marxist-Leninist-Maoist. Those who refuse Maoism as the third and superior stage of Communist thought are transforming Marx and Lenin into useless icons with no revolutionary content at all.

Anyway, to call ourselves Maoists is not sufficient to put Maoism in command. This will happen only if Maoism will walk with the legs of concrete subjects: an International Communist Movement developing on a world scale through the struggle to build a new Communist International, Communist Parties of a new type, i.e. Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, proceeding from the transformation of existing Marxist-Leninist parties or new ones; and, finally, by upholding People’s War as the universal road to proletarian revolution.

To put Maoism in command means, again, to stand resolutely against all its enemies: the revisionists, who refuse to make a historical summation of the Soviet Union from Khruschev to Gorbachev or, feeling like orphans of the Soviet power, carry on peace accords and capitulation in front of imperialism; the Hoxha followers, who lost power in Albania with a complete failure and have flirted with the revisionists the world over opposing the development of revolution and Maoism in every country; the Deng followers who erased all of Mao’s teachings, restoring capitalism and the exploitation of the Chinese masses. All of these tendencies are bankrupt and have transformed themselves into instruments of the ruling classes, or into degenerate leaders of the proletariat and people.

To put Maoism in command means refusing the idea that it is possible to work for the rebuilding of the Communist International, simply uniting on an eclectic basis with various communist groups. This is a one cause of confusion, an obstacle on the road for the new international that cannot see the light without the basis of unity of Maoism as the third and superior stage of Communist thought. Finally, it’s not possible to build new Communist parties if not on the basis of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.

It’s time to build Communist parties of a new type, with the application of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism within the concrete conditions in which the parties are operating — that is, with the development of a specific thought that will allow the class vanguard to swim like fish among the masses of every single country, to penetrate specific contradictions putting this at the service of people’s war.

Here lies the importance of the lessons that were given to us by Chairman Gonzalo and Chairman Gonzalo’s Thought, who was able to forge a new type of party (i.e. the Communist Party of Peru); a militarized party that took the leadership of Peruvian masses, guiding them in a People’s War that is reaching its twentieth year, that has passed from the strategic defensive to the strategic equilibrium, that carries on developing in spite of the capture of Chairman Gonzalo and Comrade Feliciano, overcoming the bend in the road to struggle until victory, until Communism.

The example of Chairman Gonzalo and of the Communist Party of Peru enlightens the proletariat and oppressed peoples of the whole world, as we can see with the initiation of the People’s War in Nepal and with the recent developments of the People’s War in Turkey, India and the Philippines. Maoism is taking its leading role in the New Great Wave of World Proletarian Revolution.


Maoists here and now

Today Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organisations are united principally within the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM). RIM represents a concrete step toward the rallying of communists on a world scale, toward a new international. Nevertheless wanting a Revolutionary Internationalist Movement is not enough. It is necessary to put the red line proceeding from its tested experience in the leading role. In the same way we need today Communist Parties developing People’s Wars and Marxist-Leninist-Maoist organizations that aim for the great leap toward the Party to start new People’s Wars.

In Italy today this program lives in the Great Announcement and in the Great Decision to constitute, on the 50th anniversary of the Chinese Revolution, a new Communist party, the Maoist Communist Party, a practical answer to the alignment of the Italian workers movement with the New Great Wave of the World Proletarian Revolution.


September 1999